In 1964, a small group of activists, academics, and foundation-funded ideologues launched the Sex Information and Education Council of the United States. They told parents it was about hygiene. They told schools it was about science. They told the press it was about helping children. It was about none of those things.

It was about transferring moral authority over the next generation from the family to the state, and from God to a network of bureaucrats and theorists who believed neither existed.

Claire Chambers’ The SIECUS Circle is the book the humanist establishment did not want written. Across more than five hundred meticulously documented pages, Chambers maps the interlocking directorate of organizations, funding streams, and personalities behind the assault on the American family: SIECUS, Planned Parenthood, the American Humanist Association, the ACLU, the foundations and the academics who provided the cover, the politicians who delivered the policy. She names the names. She traces the money. She quotes the founding documents in which the architects of the revolution stated, in their own words, what they intended to do to your children.

Originally published in 1977, The SIECUS Circle reads in 2026 like prophecy fulfilled. Every cultural collapse Chambers warned of has arrived. Every institution she named has grown more brazen. Every parent now watching what is taught in their child’s classroom, in their church youth program, on their child’s phone, will find in this book the architecture of the catastrophe.

Read it to understand. Then act, before there is nothing left to defend. (2026ed, 657pp, pb)

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Here are the materials that shaped early American constitutional practice: the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions, Madison’s “Report of 1800,” Maria Pinckney’s A Political Catechism, Edmund Pendleton’s 1801 admonition in the Richmond Examiner, John Taylor of Caroline’s Constructions Construed, and Abel P. Upshur’s Brief Inquiry. Across them, the same architecture appears. Powers are delegated by the parties to the compact; undelegated powers remain with the states and the people. Jefferson articulates interposition against unconstitutional acts. Madison explains political remedies available to a free people through their states. Pinckney translates legal principles into civic instruction. Taylor tests fashionable constructions and rejects consolidation. Upshur demonstrates, step by step, that the Constitution is a grant from the states, a compact resting on their authority.

The volume is arranged for use by students and officials alike. Shorter pieces establish first principles; sustained treatments then apply those principles under pressure. Wolverton’s introduction maps the terrain, while the biographies provide quick bearings on each author’s role, alliances, controversies, and context. Thus readers can argue from sources, cite with confidence, then build competence over time and across cases.

Why now? Centralized administration reaches into county offices, classrooms, small businesses, and city halls. To answer that pressure with law rather than slogans, citizens and lawmakers need the Founders’ tools close at hand. By Compact, Not Command delivers those tools in a single, navigable volume — and invites you to bring them to your statehouse, your courthouse, your classroom, and your kitchen table.

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Joe Wolverton, II, J.D., distills these classic works into an approachable “tasting menu,” pairing each selection with lined pages so readers can follow the Founders’ own practice of keeping a commonplace book. This simple discipline — read, ponder, record, and recall — anchors insights in memory and nurtures habits of reflection and virtue. It’s a method Wolverton has proven over 25 years of teaching, and one that continues to shape students long after the course ends.

More than a survey of ideas, this book is a call to restoration. The Founders Recipe is not about patching the Constitution with modern fixes but about restoring it with the same timeless sources that built it. Perfect for homeschool families, civic study groups, or lifelong learners, it equips a new generation to savor the wisdom of liberty and carry it forward.(2020, 330pp)

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Newman expertly moves through the evidence. He cites Owen’s own essays on “the formation of character,” Dewey’s program for social reconstruction, and Orestes Brownson’s testimony after his turnabout. He tracks the money and leverage of major foundations, the rise of “Fed Ed,” and the standards regimes — including Common Core — that nationalized mediocrity while centralizing control. He shows how teachers unions such as the NEA gained outsized influence, how the Frankfurt School’s ideas filtered into classrooms, and how UNESCO framed “global citizenship” as a schooling goal. Because ideas have consequences, he links these moves to measurable declines in literacy and civic understanding.

The analysis continues in the present tense. Chapters take up the use of big-data systems to profile students, the repackaging of Critical Race Theory, and the trade of academics for social-emotional conditioning. Newman also documents the long arc of sex education — from SIECUS to its modern heirs — and how it displaced Christian anthropology with a rival creed. He notes the COVID-era acceleration of screens and surveillance, which turned many classrooms into test beds for remote management. Yet he also records a countertrend: the homeschooling surge, renewed interest in private education, and congregations revisiting their duty to build schools that teach truth and cultivate virtue.

Who should read this? Parents weighing an exit. Pastors counseling families. School-board members and legislators facing policy fights. Teachers ready to rebuild. Indoctrinating Our Children to Death presses the case now because the system is still shaping souls every weekday. Read to recognize the apparatus and recover an older American model of learning, and then with renewed hope, act. (2024, 237pp, pb)

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The Declaration speaks in the language of creation, equality, and consent. It names abuses, then declares the remedy: withdraw allegiance and form governments “most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.” That claim did not age out. It sets a yardstick for evaluating any policy that burdens speech, arms, worship, property, or due process. When officials answer critique with force instead of reason, readers will recognize the pattern because they have seen the list before.

The Constitution turns principle into architecture. Powers are enumerated; offices are separated; elections, oaths, juries, and federalism create friction against ambition. Article by article, it assigns authority, limits it by text, and provides lawful tools for change — representation, legislation, courts, and amendments. The first ten amendments fasten certain protections beyond ordinary politics, so that a momentary majority cannot erase the people’s reserved rights.

Use this pocket size edition in meetings, classes, kitchen-table debates, or council hearings. However you approach it, read with a pen. Mark the phrases that matter — “We the People,” “no law,” “free State,” “due process.” Then compare the words to the news of the week. Where officials govern by emergency, rule by decree, expand power by redefining terms, or sidestep the amendment process, you will have the texts to sort claim from authority.

Return to first things. The Declaration of Independence and the Constitution are not relics; they are criteria. Study them, discuss them, and then insist — boldly and bravely — that public servants return to their limited commission, so liberty can be preserved for posterity. (2024ed, 50pp, pb)

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The collection moves from the need for union to the mechanics of federalism and separated powers. Key essays anchor the discussion: No. 10 on faction and the extended republic; No. 46 shows how loyalty, structure, and local institutions check national overreach; No. 51 on checks, balances, and the logic of ambition; No. 70 on energy in the executive; No. 78 on the judiciary’s independence and judgment. Across the series, Publius tackles taxation, commerce, war and peace, the militia, treaties, and the character of republican representation — always pressing practical consequences, not abstractions for their own sake. Because the essays were written for citizens, the argument unfolds in steps, with definitions, examples, and tests readers can track.

Pairing this volume with How to Read the Federalist turns a founding classic into a working guide. The companion shows how to approach each paper so students, faculty, homeschool tutors, and independent researchers can move from quotation to comprehension to use. It helps readers pace a seminar, lead a study circle, or prepare a brief, always keeping text, context, and purpose in view.

For classrooms, reading groups, and serious self-study, The Federalist offers access to the framers’ reasoning at full scale. Courts and scholars still cite these essays because they frame disputes in constitutional terms that endure—federal versus consolidated power, liberty versus license, prudence versus zeal. Bring both volumes to the table, read with a pencil, and test each claim against the Constitution itself. Do that, and Publius becomes not only a source to quote, but a teacher you can follow. (2023ed, 454pp, pb)

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Within its 72 pages you’ll find brief historical cues that place essays in the ratification struggle; explanations that track how a paragraph advances the case; a concise glossary to steady unfamiliar terms; and a short path to further reading that points to reliable editions and reference works. It also trains durable habits: separate assertion from evidence, notice when a definition does the heavy lifting, and keep the Constitution in view as the governing standard. These habits make quotation useful because the reader understands what the passage actually does in the argument.

Teachers and study leaders can scale the approach. Use it to plan a week’s lessons, run a community reading night, or brief colleagues before a moot court. Side by side with The Federalist, How to Read the Federalist turns a classic into a workable course—one that rewards pencil-in-hand reading and discussion that stays tethered to text and context.

If your aim is to understand The Federalist and help others do the same, keep both volumes within reach. The Federalist supplies the primary record; How to Read the Federalist keeps the reading honest, organized, and teachable. 2023ed, 72pp, pb)

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Why study it now? Because the contrast with 1789 clarifies what the Constitution fixed — and what it preserved. Under the Confederation, enforcement depended on good faith rather than federal power. That design strained under war debt and interstate friction, yet it also drew a bright line around central authority. Article II says it plainly: “Each state retains its sovereignty, freedom and independence.” Reading those words beside the later Tenth Amendment sharpens the meaning of “delegated” and “reserved.”

This small volume is built for marginal notes and quick cross-checks. Start with the Articles; then set them beside parallel clauses in the Constitution — commerce, coinage, war powers, privileges and immunities. You will notice what changed and what endured. Thus the Articles of Confederation pocket edition becomes a working reference for students, teachers, and citizens who want the record before the commentary.

Finally, a word of wisdom from the Founders’ own document: sovereignty begins local and is lent upward by consent. Study the Articles to see that principle in its starkest form. Do so with a purpose — the hope that, by reading what the Founders read and wrote, we might act with the same resolve against overreach, and for ordered liberty. (1777ed, 28pp, hb)

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Part One sketches the background — Calvinism, Puritan covenantalism, encounters with deism, Freemasonry, and science, plus the English common law. Part Two offers crisp portraits of key founders such as Witherspoon, Madison, Washington, Franklin, Jefferson, and John and Samuel Adams. Part Three returns to Philadelphia to show where biblical principles surface in the Declaration and the Constitution, warning also of modern threats to them — including the notion of a “living Constitution” that detaches the text from original meaning.

Features include a suggested reading list, subject index, and appendices with foundational texts — the Treaty of Tripoli, the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, and the Articles of Confederation. A useful resource for scholars, educators, and serious learners, this work documents the Christian influences on America’s founding without caricature. Use it to anchor courses and conversations about church and state, natural law, and ordered liberty — and to think more faithfully about our constitutional future. (1987ed, 473pp, pb)

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