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Tortured. Bamboo driven beneath his fingernails. He never pronounced a single name. After the war, he became something rarer still: a journalist with sources no other Western reporter could touch. From Monaco, for half a century, he published the H. du B. Reports, a private intelligence bulletin read by congressmen, intelligence officers, and serious students of the long war against Western civilization. He saw the betrayals up close because he had stood in the rooms where they were planned.

The Long March of H. du B. is the long-awaited memoir of a man history nearly forgot. It reads like an adventure novel because it was an adventure. It reads like a warning because du Berrier lived to see what he had fought against arriving in our own country, wearing the uniforms of our own institutions. (2026ed, 242pp, pb)

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Deep State 2.0 connects the dots the regime press refuses to touch. The intelligence community. The permanent bureaucracy. The secret societies and semi-secret foundations. The moneymen who finance the long war against American sovereignty. Newman names them, traces their networks, and demonstrates that what most Americans still call “the government” is in fact a hostile occupation of the institutions our Founders built.

This is not theory. It is documentation. Footnoted, sourced, and devastating. Read this book if you want to understand why nothing your representatives do seems to matter. Read it if you want to fight back. And read it knowing that Newman has done the hardest work a journalist can do in this age: he has told the truth, regardless of who it offends. (2026ed, pb, 247pp)

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Betrayal by Rulers is the testament he left behind.

This is not a book of speculation. Sturdza names the diplomats, traces the conferences, quotes the cables, and reconstructs the decisions that handed Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Romania, Yugoslavia, and the Baltic states to a tyranny that murdered tens of millions. He shows how the same patterns of elite accommodation that sold out Mihailović in Yugoslavia and Chiang Kai-shek in China would later be turned against Allende’s opponents in Chile and the captive nations behind the Iron Curtain. He names Kissinger. He names the foundations. He names the men in suits who treated the suffering of nations as the price of detente.

Sturdza wrote with the moral authority of a man who had nothing left to lose and everything left to say. He had seen his own country devoured. He understood, as few Western writers ever have, that the betrayal of one nation is the practice run for the betrayal of all.

If you want to understand how the post-war world was actually built, and by whom, this book is indispensable. It is also a warning. The hands that engineered the betrayals of the twentieth century are still at work. (2026ed, 268pp, pb)

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In 1964, a small group of activists, academics, and foundation-funded ideologues launched the Sex Information and Education Council of the United States. They told parents it was about hygiene. They told schools it was about science. They told the press it was about helping children. It was about none of those things.

It was about transferring moral authority over the next generation from the family to the state, and from God to a network of bureaucrats and theorists who believed neither existed.

Claire Chambers’ The SIECUS Circle is the book the humanist establishment did not want written. Across more than five hundred meticulously documented pages, Chambers maps the interlocking directorate of organizations, funding streams, and personalities behind the assault on the American family: SIECUS, Planned Parenthood, the American Humanist Association, the ACLU, the foundations and the academics who provided the cover, the politicians who delivered the policy. She names the names. She traces the money. She quotes the founding documents in which the architects of the revolution stated, in their own words, what they intended to do to your children.

Originally published in 1977, The SIECUS Circle reads in 2026 like prophecy fulfilled. Every cultural collapse Chambers warned of has arrived. Every institution she named has grown more brazen. Every parent now watching what is taught in their child’s classroom, in their church youth program, on their child’s phone, will find in this book the architecture of the catastrophe.

Read it to understand. Then act, before there is nothing left to defend. (2026ed, 657pp, pb)

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Biggs does not theorize from the sidelines. Since the book’s first release, he has served as Arizona Senate president, debated the issue nationwide, and been elected to Congress five times. That experience sharpened — not softened — his conclusion. Congress does not relinquish power. Federal agencies do not stand down. Courts do not remain neutral spectators. And states, despite patriotic rhetoric, have repeatedly authorized amendments that weakened the republic, including the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Amendments. The history is clear and Bigg’s arguments are plain.

Chapter by chapter, Biggs dismantles the myths that keep the convention movement alive: the fantasy of a single clean fix, the belief that delegates can be bound, the claim that “the states will save us” in a convention, and the insistence that urgency excuses risk. He distinguishes policy tinkering from constitutional doctrine, exposes misdirection by well-meaning activists, and tracks how fear is leveraged to sell an irreversible act. The argument is not abstract. It is grounded in precedent, political behavior, and the predictable convergence of interests once the doors open.

The updated foreword confronts today’s climate directly. Post-Dobbs state actions, intensified federal weaponization, and cultural polarization make restraint harder — and more necessary. A convention held under these conditions would invite every unresolved conflict of the last half-century into a single arena, with no guarantee of adjournment and no mechanism for containment. The best outcome preserves the status quo. The worst rewrites the Constitution to ratify progressive doctrines that the Forefathers resisted.

This book is written for readers who refuse to be stampeded by propaganda or intimidated by accusations of cowardice. It insists that restoration does not require spectacle, and that fidelity to the Constitution is an act of discipline. Read it now, because the call for a convention always returns when fear is loud — and because some doors, once opened, do not close. (2025, 144pp, pb)

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Part I maps the British genesis: a modest society that quietly seized ministries, the Labour Party, and the language of reform. Martin shows how George Bernard Shaw, Sidney Webb, and their heirs normalized state control in the name of benevolence — laying blueprints later echoed in America’s academic and bureaucratic circles. Her evidence runs through Fabian Research Series reports and official Cabinet rosters showing the Society’s penetration of postwar government.

Part II follows the American adoption. Under new names — the League for Industrial Democracy, Americans for Democratic Action, ACLU — Fabian methodology crossed the Atlantic. Martin demonstrates how its adherents avoided open Socialist declarations while steering policy through executive decrees, administrative expansion, and court reinterpretations. Federal payroll data, foundation funding trails, and published ADA rosters become her proof. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr.’s “process of backing into Socialism” serves as both metaphor and admission.

Martin’s synthesis is neither rumor nor rhetoric — it’s documentation. She links committee reports, grant ledgers, and personal correspondence to a coherent pattern: Socialism softens the ground, Communism seizes it. The result is not theory but timeline, how cultural influence prepared political control. Wolverton’s new foreword underscores this continuity, warning that the same Fabian patience now operates through supranational and “sustainable” frameworks that echo the old gradualist creed.

For readers who value constitutional liberty, this edition is both exposé and alarm bell. It names the architects, decodes the method, and offers a clear choice between drift and defense. Fabian Freeway remains the map of that hidden highway and lights the next mile marker. (2025ed, 582pp, pb)

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Stormer’s exposé is built on concrete and documentable facts. He traces U.S. aircraft “sales” to Tito’s Yugoslavia while National Guard pilots flew outdated jets, automation shipped to Poland’s Lenin Steel Works, and proposed wheat deals with Moscow even as unrest spread behind the Curtain. He exposes United Nations channels — such as Special Fund grants to Castro’s Cuba under Paul Hoffman — where American taxpayers covered nearly half the cost. Committee reports, appropriations, and official statements anchor every charge.

Then come the personnel files that explain why such policies endured. Senate investigations showed how the State Department’s William Wieland buried early warnings about Castro and was rewarded with promotion. John Stewart Service, once caught passing documents to Soviet agents, was reinstated and pensioned. Owen Lattimore, labeled a “conscious, articulate instrument” of the Soviet line, traveled on a U.S. passport to a communist satellite soon admitted to the UN. Stormer cites each case to show how Washington protected those who had aided the enemy.

Finally, he restores the sense of peril voiced by contemporaries. Senator Thomas Dodd warned that “defeat after defeat” had pushed America to the brink; General Albert Wedemeyer told Congress that time was nearly gone; Khrushchev boasted the United States would raise the Red Flag itself. Stormer closes with a challenge as urgent now as then: consider the facts and and cut off the pipelines that finance our own undoing. (2025ed, pb, 340pp)

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