In 1964, a small group of activists, academics, and foundation-funded ideologues launched the Sex Information and Education Council of the United States. They told parents it was about hygiene. They told schools it was about science. They told the press it was about helping children. It was about none of those things.

It was about transferring moral authority over the next generation from the family to the state, and from God to a network of bureaucrats and theorists who believed neither existed.

Claire Chambers’ The SIECUS Circle is the book the humanist establishment did not want written. Across more than five hundred meticulously documented pages, Chambers maps the interlocking directorate of organizations, funding streams, and personalities behind the assault on the American family: SIECUS, Planned Parenthood, the American Humanist Association, the ACLU, the foundations and the academics who provided the cover, the politicians who delivered the policy. She names the names. She traces the money. She quotes the founding documents in which the architects of the revolution stated, in their own words, what they intended to do to your children.

Originally published in 1977, The SIECUS Circle reads in 2026 like prophecy fulfilled. Every cultural collapse Chambers warned of has arrived. Every institution she named has grown more brazen. Every parent now watching what is taught in their child’s classroom, in their church youth program, on their child’s phone, will find in this book the architecture of the catastrophe.

Read it to understand. Then act, before there is nothing left to defend. (2026ed, 657pp, pb)

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Biggs does not theorize from the sidelines. Since the book’s first release, he has served as Arizona Senate president, debated the issue nationwide, and been elected to Congress five times. That experience sharpened — not softened — his conclusion. Congress does not relinquish power. Federal agencies do not stand down. Courts do not remain neutral spectators. And states, despite patriotic rhetoric, have repeatedly authorized amendments that weakened the republic, including the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Amendments. The history is clear and Bigg’s arguments are plain.

Chapter by chapter, Biggs dismantles the myths that keep the convention movement alive: the fantasy of a single clean fix, the belief that delegates can be bound, the claim that “the states will save us” in a convention, and the insistence that urgency excuses risk. He distinguishes policy tinkering from constitutional doctrine, exposes misdirection by well-meaning activists, and tracks how fear is leveraged to sell an irreversible act. The argument is not abstract. It is grounded in precedent, political behavior, and the predictable convergence of interests once the doors open.

The updated foreword confronts today’s climate directly. Post-Dobbs state actions, intensified federal weaponization, and cultural polarization make restraint harder — and more necessary. A convention held under these conditions would invite every unresolved conflict of the last half-century into a single arena, with no guarantee of adjournment and no mechanism for containment. The best outcome preserves the status quo. The worst rewrites the Constitution to ratify progressive doctrines that the Forefathers resisted.

This book is written for readers who refuse to be stampeded by propaganda or intimidated by accusations of cowardice. It insists that restoration does not require spectacle, and that fidelity to the Constitution is an act of discipline. Read it now, because the call for a convention always returns when fear is loud — and because some doors, once opened, do not close. (2025, 144pp, pb)

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He shows how Robert Welch’s warnings about Castro, Alger Hiss, and the United Nations were vindicated; how the Society’s timeline of infiltration through tax, bank, and bureaucratic machinery was already in motion; and how ordinary members became extraordinary organizers, driving campaigns that reshaped communities and state legislatures alike. With chapters such as “Right All Along!” and “The Power of Organization,” the book names victories as well as betrayals, citing the roll-call votes, policies, and media attacks that defined the struggle.

Benoit also situates the JBS fight in its wider context: a world where elites in the Council on Foreign Relations, Trilateral Commission, and World Economic Forum openly plotted “new world order” schemes, while Americans at home faced a steady march of socialism masked as progress. He describes the Society’s leaders — Welch, John F. McManus, Art Thompson — not as abstract figures, but as men he knew, debated with, and labored alongside in the trenches of publishing, education, and activism.

The book closes as it began: with an invitation. If the JBS was the vanguard in 1958, then its history is not mere nostalgia — it is a manual for the present. In an era of weaponized agencies, canceled voices, and collapsing independence, Benoit presses the point that a vanguard is needed now more than ever. This is not simply the biography of an organization, but a charge to join an epic undertaking of less government, more responsibility, and — with God’s help — a better world. (2025ed, 131pp, pb)

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From there the book moves through concrete ground. Thompson details the deliberate unraveling of moral restraints; the attack on private property; the subordination of the individual, marriage, faith, and patriotism to the collective; and the labeling of “friends” and “enemies” to polarize society. He shows where theory becomes statute: schools, tax schemes, property regulations, and immigration policy. Evidence appears in Engels’ own admissions, in networks linked to the 1848 revolutions, and in a recurring tactic — declare a group “dissolved” in public, continue under new names, and keep the program moving.

Because the word “conspiracy” has been mocked into silence, Thompson defines it plainly: planning in secret for an evil end. He then shows how that definition mirrors ordinary life — families plan meals and businesses draft strategy; therefore political actors plan as well. The issue, therefore, becomes practical. If destructive movements coordinate, why would defenders of constitutional liberty stand alone? Thompson’s answer is steady: band together, study the Constitution, teach its limits, and work patiently at the local level to preserve sovereignty, property, faith, and the rule of law.

This book suits readers who insist on causes linked to effects and documents tied to outcomes. It will serve parents watching schools, citizens tracking state or municipal policy, business owners monitoring property rules, and pastors or civic leaders sorting rhetoric from reality. Read it to understand How The Communist Manifesto Threatens Our Freedom Today, then choose disciplined action over drift — together, deliberately, and on time. (2024ed, pb, 84pp)

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Thompson brings decades of research and leadership to bear. As longtime CEO of The John Birch Society, he traced the pipelines of funding and influence that advance world government under labels such as “humanitarian aid” and “international cooperation.” In this volume, he exposes the institutions driving migration pressure, the treaties and policies that disguise it, and the local costs borne by communities across the country.

His method is disciplined. He follows the same pattern that shaped his earlier works on China, Agenda 2030, and the Deep State. What emerges is a map — not abstract theory, but documentation of how porous borders are used to transform culture, law, and allegiance.

The book is written for action. Thompson’s purpose was always practical: inform Americans so they can organize, resist unlawful encroachments, and preserve their communities. Readers come away with evidence, perspective, and a charge to guard the sanctity of the Constitution where they live. (2024ed, 120pp)

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Wolverton dismantles the case for a convention with evidence pulled straight from the historical record. He shows how today’s activists recycle promises that collapse under scrutiny: claims that a new amendment will restrain corrupt politicians, balance budgets, or force accountability where none exists. Yet, as Wolverton demonstrates, these arguments are as empty as adding a line to wedding vows to prevent divorce. The problem is not the Constitution. The problem is vow breakers — politicians, judges, and bureaucrats who ignore the limits already written and the oaths they already swore.

Drawing on the warnings of Montesquieu and the counsel of Madison, Wolverton reminds readers that power always seeks expansion, and paper barriers are worthless unless backed by vigilance and enforcement. That vigilance is possible only through federalism, the Tenth Amendment, and the courage of states and citizens to resist encroachments. Adding new clauses or calling risky conventions, he argues, is not only futile but reckless — the cure worse than the disease.

This book is both a primer and a call to action. It equips legislators wrestling with convention proposals, patriots guarding constitutional checks, and skeptics on the fence. With sharp analogies, fresh analysis, and undeniable facts, Wolverton restores perspective: America’s Constitution is not the problem. Abandoning it for experiments in revision is. The rightful remedy has been here all along. (2024ed, 104pp, pb)

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Newman expertly moves through the evidence. He cites Owen’s own essays on “the formation of character,” Dewey’s program for social reconstruction, and Orestes Brownson’s testimony after his turnabout. He tracks the money and leverage of major foundations, the rise of “Fed Ed,” and the standards regimes — including Common Core — that nationalized mediocrity while centralizing control. He shows how teachers unions such as the NEA gained outsized influence, how the Frankfurt School’s ideas filtered into classrooms, and how UNESCO framed “global citizenship” as a schooling goal. Because ideas have consequences, he links these moves to measurable declines in literacy and civic understanding.

The analysis continues in the present tense. Chapters take up the use of big-data systems to profile students, the repackaging of Critical Race Theory, and the trade of academics for social-emotional conditioning. Newman also documents the long arc of sex education — from SIECUS to its modern heirs — and how it displaced Christian anthropology with a rival creed. He notes the COVID-era acceleration of screens and surveillance, which turned many classrooms into test beds for remote management. Yet he also records a countertrend: the homeschooling surge, renewed interest in private education, and congregations revisiting their duty to build schools that teach truth and cultivate virtue.

Who should read this? Parents weighing an exit. Pastors counseling families. School-board members and legislators facing policy fights. Teachers ready to rebuild. Indoctrinating Our Children to Death presses the case now because the system is still shaping souls every weekday. Read to recognize the apparatus and recover an older American model of learning, and then with renewed hope, act. (2024, 237pp, pb)

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Thompson walks readers through the principles that secured liberty: local police accountable to their communities, a bicameral Congress that restrains ambition, a republic instead of mob rule, and the Bill of Rights as an immovable barrier. He ties each safeguard to history — Committees of Correspondence organizing resistance, farmers on Lexington Green holding the line — and shows how these patterns of self-government became habits that endured.

But he also unmasks the counter-design: Marxist infiltration in the Western Hemisphere, regional power blocs, and the steady hollowing of institutions until they collapse into centralization. The battle is not abstract. It is unfolding now, where morality is undermined, law is manipulated, and sovereignty is traded away piece by piece.

For pastors urging their congregations, educators shaping the next generation, and officials or activists determined to hold the line, this book supplies a blueprint. It tells you what must be defended, why it matters, and how restoration begins — not in Washington, but in your county and state. (2023ed, 132pp)

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Beginning with the Founders, Wolverton distinguishes creator and creature and re-establishes the Constitution as a compact among sovereign states. He then applies contract law to test contested federal measures. The analysis moves quickly into practice: noncooperation by state officers; formal interposition by legislatures; county-level refusal to assist federal enforcement; and coordination among adjoining states that presents obstacles Washington would hesitate to confront. Throughout, sources stay close to the Founders — the Principles of 1798, Madison’s Report of 1800, and John Taylor of Caroline’s Construction Construed and Constitutions Vindicated.

Case chapters make the methods concrete. Wolverton examines indefinite detention under the National Defense Authorization Act, the insurance mandates grouped under “Obamacare,” warrantless data sweeps by the surveillance apparatus, and federal limits on the right to keep and bear arms. He also revisits immigration versus naturalization and explains how the Seventeenth Amendment severed the states from the Senate, weakening the structural check the framers expected.

This book serves state legislators intent on honoring their oath; attorneys and litigators who know courts are only one venue among many; grassroots organizers building county-to-county networks; and teachers and citizens who want usable language grounded in sources. Read What Degree of Madness as a manual for action — concise enough to use, grounded enough to defend. The aim is steady: restore federalism in practice. Follow Madison’s plans of resistance, revive state sovereignty, and Make America STATES Again — by forcing the federal apparatus back within its constitutional limits.

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At its core, the book explains why the John Birch Society has endured as a force for constitutionalism. Members are organized into local chapters, directed by monthly Bulletins, and supported by a professional field staff. That structure enables dispersed citizens to act in unison, striking at the roots of collectivism instead of swatting at its branches. The Agenda names the most pressing threats — from globalist “New World Order” schemes to the erosion of local police independence — and pairs each with steps that ordinary Americans can take.

Readers will find practical sections on recruitment, legislative influence, chapter activities, and outreach through The New American. They will see how tools such as ad hoc committees, film nights, and legislative days have been used to grow membership and pressure officials. The text also emphasizes nullification — not as a theory but as a lived tactic — and provides historical grounding alongside real-world examples of sheriffs, legislators, and citizens who applied it during the Covid crisis and beyond.

What makes this book distinctive is its insistence on work. The Agenda is not about admiring principles; it is about implementing them. Each chapter closes with action points designed for replication at the local level, whether in a county, a congregation, or a civic association. Through these steps, the Society demonstrates how education leads to organization, and organization leads to restoration.

For those who want to defend the Constitution, resist collectivist control, and hand down liberty intact, The JBS Agenda is a blueprint. It speaks to citizens who feel isolated and offers them a disciplined, time-tested network. The hope is plain: with enough “pullers at the oars,” America can once again be the freest Constitutional Republic in history. (2023ed, 73pp, pb)

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